A Caucasus Times interview with Andrei Babitsky - the Russian journalist who recently interviewed Shamil Basayev - makes interesting reading. The interview dates from 2003, yet the insights it offers are still valid, and increasing in validity with each day that passes:
Andrei Babytsky: "The long-standing war resulted in Islamic radicalism in Chechnya"
Caucasus Times: Andrei, prior to now you had been to Chechnya quite often, but this time the Chechen rebels movement became your main interest there, while the mass media is focused on elections in Chechnya?
Andrei Babytsky: Actually, very few have an idea what is brewing in the Chechen rebels underground since the resistance movement has mutated in the course of four years of the second war campaign. There have been a lot of speculations on this account, but no foreign journalist has ever been able to get to the guerillas camps in the mountains thus far. As to the Russian journalists, they are not interested in what's going on the other side, at that restricted by the Russian legislation that vetoed any contact with the Chechen mujahideens as an enemy party. The western journalists have very limited opportunity to get in contact with rebels and are at constant risk to be expelled from the country. Actually, as of now the rebels remain quite isolated that are not interested themselves in any contacts with foreigners. All this also has induced me to go to Chechnya.
CT: What is the main cause of the growing radicalism in Chechnya?
AB: The Chechen rebels movement is being radicalized and the process got into high gear. The anti-Russian movement for self-determination has mutated into a jihad. The national liberation movement turned into a religious war. This is quite natural when the movement was secluded and the rebel underground is stewing in its own juice. There is no channel for accruing fury, where no exchange of ideas or emotional contacts with the outside world. On the other hand, just think of it, in a week I had spent over there in the mountains it was raining all day long. A warrior there needs to be constantly on a move, loaded with munitions. Therefore, one must be motivated and to have an aspiration for an emotional objective to survive somehow. The more radical, plain and rewardable the doctrine is, the easier the war path becomes for the holy warrior who might get killed next morning but would gain his reward and relish in paradise gardens. Such harsh conditions originated the doctrine, which appeals to an experience of the first Islamic communities. It has not gone too far yet, but the course is clear and constant.
CT: Prior to now scores of observers have paralleled the Chechen conflict to the Palestinian long-term conflicts, since the counter-terrorism warfare has been declared round the world. Do you find any analogy between these two conflicts?
AB: I would say, there is absolutely no similarity in both examples in historical perspective. Since such radicalism and methods do not correspond to the Chechen national traditions the populace as well on plain as in the mountains would never accept these religious doctrines. And the majority of the Chechens do support the rebels not as a group of the people with definite religious beliefs but as the field police, as those who are capable to resist and fight off anyhow the bloody arbitrariness in Chechnya. The Islamic radicalism in Chechnya was ensued as a result of this long-term war. Actually, the longer the war continues the more radical the Chechen armed resistance will get. It is a little bit complicated to grasp, but there is the Palestinian conflict does not match our case.
CT: As of now almost all observers consider Kadyrov to be a winner in the upcoming presidential elections in the republic. How good are chances for Kadyrov that he will win?
AB: The Russian authorities actually have granted Kadyrov a free hand in Chechnya who managed to create an enormous, powerful administrative machine, which has been killing the people unabatedly. And now Kadyrov's forces have turned to be a more awful scourge for the populace than the federal forces. That's the way things are. So far, a man detained by the Russian troops could have chances to get away battered, crippled but alive. Not with Kadyrov's gunmen. They leave nobody alive. As a matter of fact, Kadyrov's loyalists have all resources to make the election results predictable. Therefore, I consider Kadyrov is going to get the presidential office in Chechnya.
CT: Is there any precondition giving hope for the situation in Chechnya will ever get better?
AB: I just do not know. The situation there is quite complicated. Today it is almost impossible to predict all factors, which would influence the situation in Chechnya, there are lots of them. Thus far, there are several groups in Russia, which are interested in the war to go unabated.
Islam Tekushev, Prague, Caucasus Times
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